I happen to share the view that “Race” is a myth. The idea is constructed
by
human beings themselves, often by small minorities greedy for wealth and
power. A recent genome project has revealed that there is actually no
scientific basis for race or for categorizing humankind according to racial
differences. Nevertheless, there are still many who see themselves and
others as separate from one another because of differences in their
origins,
religion, culture, skin color and so forth.
History has shown that mankind is capable of living peacefully side by
side
in mutual respect. But sadly, there have been many examples nowadays of
racial or ethnic conflicts and even genocide. We hear gruesome stories
of
racial killings from all over the world, like in Bosnia, Rwanda, Sri Lanka,
Mindanao, Acheh, Maluku and Fiji. The conflicting groups there have
similarities as well as differences. It has become evident that in some
of
these places religion, which teaches love and brotherhood, has ironically
been widely used recently to create racial hatred.
Such hatred can be easily exacerbated when there exists unfair distribution
of wealth and resources. Concentration of wealth largely in the hands of
a
few identified as one racial or ethnic group and abject poverty among the
majority in another group, can be the main root of tension and conflict.
Further, whenever there is an attempt to deny equal access to economic
opportunities on the basis of race or ethnicity, then the situation can
become more serious. Any political act by one ethnic group to suppress
another group in order to maintain its political and economic dominance
will
certainly invite resistance, which can lead to racial hatred and violence.
In Malaysia the politics of race or ethnicity have been sedulously
nurtured,
and permeates every level and sector of society. I remember, twenty two
months after being detained without trial under the Internal Security Act,
I
was taken from the detention camp at Kamunting to an unknown holding center
in Kuala Lumpur, about 200 km away. Over a week earlier, two deputy
ministers, two senior journalists and three opposition politicians had
been
detained under the same draconian act, victims of power struggle within
the
leading party (UMNO) within the ruling coalition. They wanted to pressurize
me to implicate one side of this struggle with the communist underground,
although they knew I had no communist connections.
At the holding center I was kept in solitary confinement for more than
half
a year. During the first month, I was often denied sleep for long hours
and
not allowed to wear decent clothes or use spectacles. Teams of Malay
Special
Branch officers rigorously and continuously interrogated me. They wanted
me
to cooperate by confirming that I was an intermediary between the communist
underground with the then Deputy Prime Minister, who is currently Prime
Minister of Malaysia. I denied ever being an intermediary of any sort for
any one. I was accused of refusing to cooperate and consequently slapped
and
spat on the face. They warned me that if I continued to be stubborn, they
would hand me over to a Chinese team, which they said could be more
heartless to one not of their kind. It was ironical that even within the
walls of that secret center, these officers had to resort to racial threat
to force me into submission.
In this country Malays, Chinese, Indians and indigenous communities live
together, though each group has a distinct history, religion, culture and
language. The political institutions that have been established are
designed
to keep them apart. But the process of integration has also been taking
place, thanks to largely common education, increasing economic cooperation
and a certain degree of power sharing, although more confined to the top
strata of society. There is also a growing middle class that is greatly
influenced by common westernized style of life. Nevertheless, ethnic fears
and suspicions still linger, which can easily be ignited into fiery
conflicts by intense inter-ethnic competition, particularly in the economic
and political spheres.
There has been a common stereotyping that the Malays are poor, but control
political power, while the Chinese control the economy. In reality,
different ethnic groups are involved within the ruling political elite,
although admittedly the Malays play a more dominant role politically. At
the
same time large number of Malays, as the majority in the other ethnic
groups
too, are denied significant participation in political decision making
except only to vote once in every four or five years.
On the other hand, although Chinese are comparatively more dominant in
traditional businesses are very rich and some of them very rich, other
ethnic groups also participate to form the economic elite. Now, a growing
number of Malays, who are able to take advantage of the government policy
of
positive discrimination favoring Malays, have managed to become very
wealthy. A handful of Malay families now have the commanding heights of
new
industries. They form a powerful alliance with Chinese and Indian families
in business. The billionaires in Malaysia are of all ethnic groups, and
share a common dependence on government patronage. At the same time,
foreign
capital still plays an important part.
In the country, there is no space for democratic activism and civil society
is restricted to each ethnic group. This is enforced by the Internal
Security Act, that allows the government to detain a person indefinitely
without trial, the Printing Presses and Publication Act, that makes
independent publication virtually impossible, and draconian interpretations
of the Sedition Act, that suffocates public discussion. I am not suggesting
these laws have been deliberately used to divide ethnic groups, but they
do
stifle change, which can create social and ethnic animosity.
Ethnic differences and similarities are often opportunistically used in
the
political processes, for determining, perpetrating, or capturing power
and
influence in the economic and political fields. The present ruling
coalition, known as the Barisan Nasional (BN), appears to be multi-ethnic
in
form but in fact, each of its thirteen component members represent
exclusively only one ethnic group and its interests. Each party uses its
own
ethnic appeal to mobilize support for the BN. In several elections the
ruling coalition has been known to resort to ethnic fears of the domination
of the other ethnic groups in order to win general support of the people.
During the last general elections in November 1999, the ruling BN, sensing
that it was losing support from Malays (largely due to their anger at PM
Mahathir Mohamad’s mistreatment of Anwar Ibrahim, his former deputy),
adopted the strategy of winning over the non-Malays, especially Chinese
and
Indians. The media, monopolized more than ever during the election
campaigns, were widely used to spread government propaganda and discredit
the opposition. They were also manipulated to arouse fear that there would
be ethnic conflicts if the opposition won. Lately, in order to recover
lost
ground among the Malays, the government has again used the media it
controls
to create fear among the Malays that the non-Malays are challenging their
“special positions”, which are entrenched in the Constitution as positive
discrimination measures.
During the 1999 elections tension ran high, but fortunately they passed
without any incident. In contrast, during the 1969 elections, ethnically
charged campaigns, threat of the BN losing power in a state, and fear that
Malay political power was being challenged, led to a bloody post-election
ethnic carnage. Unfortunately, similar dangerous racial strategy has always
proven successful in returning the government to power. But it causes deep
schisms within society, which make it difficult to forge national unity.
We know that conflicts and killings occur when one group tries to use race
in order perpetrate its racial superiority and control over economic and
political power. But we do not know of any easy solution to these problems.
Nevertheless, in the context of Malaysia and perhaps many other countries
too, the establishment of social justice and democracy can go a long way
to
improve the situation. By social justice, I mean a more equitable
distribution of wealth. By democracy, I mean broader civil liberties,
greater freedom and more people’s participation in decision making process.
There is need to promote ethnic cooperation and interdependence in economic
activities, and establishment of transracial institutions cutting across
ethnic barriers, at all levels. And, of course it is also necessary to
disseminate universal values and attitudes, which can help people so that
they do not succumb easily to racial or ethnic appeals. Until racial
and
ethnic harmony comes naturally, it must be worked at.
